EL ASINTAL, GUATEMALA — In a presidential race tinged with foul language, accusations of murder and the dark shadow of drug money, a suspected dirty campaign trick doesn't get many people excited.
When front-runner Alvaro Colom arrived in El Astinal in western Guatemala, the plaza in the center of town had gone dark. Coincidence? Perhaps, but cutting off the power and rendering an opponent's sound system inoperable is a common campaign tactic.
"The things we've been through," said campaign official Fernando Barillas, shaking his head. A generator was procured, and the rally went off without a hitch.
Colom, a veteran centrist politico, is the favorite to finish first in the Sept. 9 election, according to most polls and observers. But with as many as 19 men and women on the ballot, a clear victory for any candidate is far from likely.
If no candidate wins an outright majority, a second round of voting would be scheduled for Nov. 4.
Disenchanted voters
Most voters doubt that any candidate is up to the challenge of running an impoverished, overpopulated country suffering from a terrifying crime wave and a collapse of its criminal justice system, said Victor Galvez, a political analyst at the Latin American Faculty for Social Sciences, a university here.
The breakdown of law and order claimed the lives of three Salvadoran lawmakers in February — and the Guatemalan police officers charged in their deaths were themselves slain in custody.
"There hasn't been a lot of enthusiasm in this election," Galvez said. Most polls here list about one-third of voters as still undecided, more than support any of the candidates. "The electorate is tremendously skeptical."
Colom is a low-key, 56-year-old engineer and businessman who finished second to Oscar Berger in the 2003 presidential election. Under attack from many of the candidates trailing him the polls, he struck back in June with a startling obscenity.
"My opponents are idiots," Colom told reporters in June, using a vulgar Spanish synonym for "idiots" that also means pubic hair. "They spend all their time photocopying my plans."
In an interview with the Los Angeles Times, Colom clarified his remarks. "When I called them idiots, I wasn't referring to all of my opponents: only the ones that have attacked me," he said. "And they are the only ones that were offended."
Two-man show
Colom's chief nemesis has been the man running second in the polls, former army Col. Otto Perez Molina.
Perez Molina has taken to calling Colom a "thief," citing an incident that doomed Colom's 2003 candidacy: a check that appeared to show Colom was channeling government money to his campaign. Colom was later cleared of any wrongdoing.
"There have been clear signs (of corruption in the Colom campaign)," Perez Molina said in an interview. "These things can't be ignored."
Perez Molina, 56, graduated from Guatemala's military academy in 1974 and rose up the ranks of the army during its war against rebels in the 1980s, a conflict in which the military committed numerous atrocities.
Earlier this year, Guatemalan newspapers disclosed that an upcoming book by U.S. writer Francisco Goldman would accuse Perez Molina of orchestrating the 1998 killing of Bishop Juan Gerardi, who ran a Catholic human-rights office in Guatemala. Molina has denied the charges, saying he was out of the country at the time.
Supporters point to Perez Molina's credentials as a military reformer: In 1993, he actively resisted a move by President Jorge Serrano Elias to dissolve Congress and suspend constitutional guarantees.
The firm hand
Still, in this campaign, the former colonel is cultivating a hard-line image. The symbol of his Patriot Party is a raised fist and the motto "Vote with a Firm Hand" — in Spanish, mano dura is often associated with authoritarian policies.
"The government has failed to provide for the security and prosperity of its inhabitants," Perez Molina said in an interview.
Perez Molina says he would apply his get-tough policy not only against drug traffickers and gang members but also against businesses that avoid paying taxes.
But for many people, the idea of a military man running the country, especially one who once led the country's feared army intelligence unit, is difficult to stomach.
In a thinly veiled reference to Perez Molina, Colom told a crowd of about 1,000 people in El Asintal: "In this election, Guatemala will decide whether we return to a past of darkness, to the violent past."
As if to draw the sharpest possible contrast with his opponent, the symbol of Colom's National Unity for Hope (known by the initials UNE in Spanish) is two hands drawn together to form the shape of a dove.
The Colom name is best known in Guatemala because Alvaro's uncle Manuel, the onetime mayor of Guatemala City, was assassinated in 1979 and became a martyr of the left.
Alvaro is seeking to strengthen UNE's center-left credentials by applying for admission to the Socialist International, which includes the Labor Party in Britain and Mexico's Democratic Revolutionary Party.
In an interview, Colom suggests that a UNE victory would mark another triumph for the Latin American left and the forces arrayed against neoliberalism, the free market and privatization policies advocated by the Bush administration.
"I believe the tendency of Latin America is toward social democracy, in its many forms," Colom said in an interview.
Doubting the system
But others scoff at that notion the UNE is a leftist party: In Guatemala, deal-making and personal allegiances trump ideology.
"The UNE and the other groups in this election are not really political parties in the traditional sense," said one Western European diplomat who has observed the campaign. "They really are a set of personal alliances built around different personalities."
The UNE has former military officers in its ranks and former members of the political party of Efrain Rios Montt, one of Guatemala's most notorious dictators. Perez Molina's supporters include a former leftist guerrilla commander.
And many of the parties secretly are receiving money from drug traffickers, according to statements by Guatemalan and U.S. officials. Colom recently expelled dozens of UNE candidates to local office from his party because he suspected they were receiving drug money.
Traffickers are concentrating on funding local candidates, said a U.S. official who asked not to be named. But their money probably is "working its way up (party political structures). In a certain sense," the official said, "it's impossible to stop."